第 17 章
f reviewers（cf.the excellent review of H.Gerstinger，Wiener Zeitschr.f．d.Kunde d.Morgenlandes 48，1941，312 ff.）the impression that I underestimated the oriental elcomnts in Byzantine history，a misunderstanding due mainly to the ambiguity of the term‘oriental’，and perhaps partly to the brevity of my remarks on this point which I have now tried to make clearer.
[40]It is pointless to dispute this as is done by J.Karayannopulos，Das Finanzwesen des frühbyzantinischen staates Munich 1958.Cf.my review in Vierteljahrssche.f.Sozial-u.Wirtschaftsgesch.47，2（1960），258 ff.
[41]On what follows see especially Seeck，Untergang Ⅱ，59 ff.；Bury，Later Rom.Empire J2，18 ff.；Lot，Fin du Monde Antique，99 ff.；Rostovtzeff，Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Ⅱ，210 ff.；Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，98 ff.；168 ff.；W.Ensslin，‘The Reforms of Diocletian’，CAH XII（1939），383 ff.；Kornemann，Weltgeschichte Ⅱ，247 ff.；Piganiol，Empire Chrétien，275 ff.；Vogt，Constantin der Grosse（1949）；2nd ed.1960，95 ff.
[42]Cf.Kornemann，Doppelprinzipat.
[43]An independent dioecesis Aegypti was split off from the dioecesis Orientis，and the dioecesis Moesiarum was separated into the two d.Dacia and Macedonia which then made up the Praefectura praetorio per Illyricum（cf.below，p.54）.Cf.Bury，Later Rom.Empire Ⅰ2，28 ff.；E.Kornemann，‘Dioecesis’in PW 5（1905），727 ff.，and Weltgeschichte 254 ff.（with good maps XIX and XXI appended）。
[44]Cf.Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，53 ff.and Untersuchungenüber das Officium der Pratorianerprafektur seit Diokletian，Vienna 1922;J.R.Palanque，Essai sur la préfecture du prétoire au Bas-Empire，Paris 1933.
[45]Cf.A.E.R.Boak，The Master of the Offices in the Later Roman and Byzantine Empires，New York 1914.
[46]A.S.Dunlap，The Office of the Grand Chamberlain in the Later Roman and Byzantine Empires，New York 1924.R.Guilland，‘Les eunuques dans l’Empirebyzantin’，EB 1（1943），196 ff.，and‘Fonctions et dignités des eunuques’，EB 2（1944），185 ff.，3（1945），179 ff.
[47]On the Byzantine senate see the thorough study by E.Christophilopulu，，Athens 1949.
[48]For a detailed discussion of the honorary titles of the early Byzantine period，especially the title spectabilis，cf.R.Guillard，‘Etudes sur l’histoire administrative de l’Empire byzantin.Les titres nobiliaires de la hauteépoque（IVe-VIe siècles）’，ZRVI 8，1（1963），117 ff.
[49]Cf.E.Christophilopulu，‘’，BZ 44（1951）（Dolger-Festschrift），79 ff.
[50]Cf.J.Ebersolt，Le Grand Palais de Constantinople et le Livre des cérémonies，Paris 1910，p.40，n.2.A.Vogt，Constantin Porphyrogénète.Le Livre des cérémonies，Cocomntaire I（1935），126，is not clear in his notes because he does not seem to have noticed that the expression（notas he gives in Text I，p.90，13）in chapter 16 also occurs in many other places in the Book of Ceremonies.He appears to have overlooked Ebersolt’s notes．
[51]The question of Diocletian’s system of taxation is much disputed.The most important works are：O.Seeck，‘Die Schatsordnung Diocletians’，Zeitschr.f.Sozial-u.Wirtschaftsgesch.4（1896），275 ff.；F.Leo，Die capitatio plebeia und die capitatio humana im romisch-byzantinischen Straatsrecht Berlin 1900;F.Thibault，‘Les impots directs sous le Bas-Empire Romain’，Revue gédérale du droit 23（1899），289 ff.，481 ff.；24（1900），32 ff.，112 ff.；A.Piganiol，L’impot de capitation sous le Bas-Empire Romain，Chambéry 1916;F.Lot，L’impot foncier et la capitation personelle sous le Bas-Empire et à l’époque franque，Paris 1928;H.Bott，Die Grundzüge der diokletianischen Steuerverfassung，Diss.Frankfurt 1928;Stein，Geschichte I，109 ff.；Rostovtzeff，Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Ⅱ，221 ff.；W.Ensslin，‘The Reforms of Diocletian’，CAH XII（1939），399 ff.；A Dé1éage，La Capitation du Bas-Empire.Macon 1945;A.H.M.Jones，‘Capitatio et iugatio’，JRS 47（1957），88 ff.；J.Karayannopulos，Das Finanzwesen des frübbyzantinischen Staates，Munich 1958，28 ff.See also the following note.
[52]That follows from the decree of 297.Cf.A.E.R.Boak，‘Early Byzantine Papyri from the Cairo Museum’，?tudes de papyrologie Ⅱ，1（1933），4 ff.；A.Piganiol，‘La capitation de Dioclétien’，Revue Hist.176（1935），1 ff.The new information which is given in the text published by Boak，and in part reprinted by Piganiol and translated into French，really concerns the technical side of assessing taxes and does not in any way in validate the conclusion，based on the rest of the source material，that the capitatio-iugatio stood for a uniform system of taxation.Cf.also the similar opinion of Stein，Bas-Empire 199，note 2.
[53]M.Rostovtzeff，‘Studien zur Geschichte des romischen Kolonates’，Archiv.f.Papyrusforsch.，Beiheft 1（1910），57 f.，195，329 f.；Monnier，‘Epibolé’。
[54]Rostovtzeff，Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Ⅱ，177 ff.；Lot，Fin du Monde Antique 62 ff.
[55]A particularly important work full of information on this problem is H.Geiss，Geld-und naturalwirtschaftliche Erscheinungsfocomn im staatlichen Aufbau Italiens wahrend der Gotenzeit，Diss.Breslau 1931.Cf.also Mickwitz，Geld und Wirtschaft，147 ff.
[56]Cf.Mickwitz，Geld und Wirtschaft;Bratianu，Etudes byz.，59 ff.；A.Segrè，‘Inflation and its Implication in Early Byzantine Tcoms’，B 15（1940-1），249 ff.
[57]Cf.T.Mommsen，‘Das romische Militarwesen seit Diocletian’，Ges.Schr.Ⅵ（1889），206 ff.；Grosse，Rom.Militargeschichte;J.Maspéro，Organisation militaire de l’Egypte byzantine，Paris 1912;W.Ensslin，‘Zum Heecomisteramt des spatromischen Reiches’，Klio 23（1929），306-25;24（1930），102-47，467-502;Bury，Later Rom.EmpireⅠ2，34 ff.；Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，106 ff.，186 ff.
[58]On the distribution of population in the late Roman period：Lot，Fin du Monde Antique，72 ff.；Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，3 ff.
[59]Cf.A.Christensen，L’Iran sous les Sassanides，Copenhagen-Paris 1936;‘Sassanid Persia’，CAH XII（1939），109 ff.；E.Koremann，‘Die romische Kaiserzeit’，introd.in Altertumswiss，Ⅲ3，2（1933），139 ff.（Neurom und Neupersien）；Weltgeschichte Ⅱ，276 ff.
[60]J.Maurice，Numismatique Constantinienne Ⅱ（1911），481 ff.；E.Gerland，‘Byzantion und die Gründung der Stadt Konstantinopel’，BNJ 10（1933），93 ff.；R.Janin，Constantinople byzantine，Paris 1950，29.
[61]Gregorovius remarked in his Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter Ⅰ（1889），25：‘This was the most important city in the world to be established since the foundation of Rcom’；and E.Schwartz，Kaiser Constantin und die christliche Kirche2（1936），85，wrote：‘Since Alexander’s creation of a cosmopolitan centre in Egypt，no other city has so changed the course of events as the great stronghold which arose on the ruins of a Greek town and today still bears witness to the commanding spirit of its founder’.A.Philippson，Das byzantinische Reich als geographische Erscheinung（1939），26，compares the foundation of Constantinople with that of Alexandria and St.Petersburg.Cf.also Philippson，op.cit.，29 ff.and 214.
[62]Cf.Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，195，note 6;A.Andréadès，‘La population de Constantinople’，Metron 1（1920），5 ff.（cf.also idem，‘La population de l’Empire byzantin’，Bull.de l’Inst.archéol.bulgare 9，1935，117 ff.）.Andréadès’exaggerated estimate should be modified in the light of Stein’s convincing remarks，and in Baynes-Moss，Byzantium（1949），53（Economic Life of the Byzantine Empire），Andréadès himself finally recognizes the view that Constantinople in its palmy days had‘not fewer than 500，000 inhabitants，and perhaps scomtcoms more’.Stein，Bas-Empire，759 and 842，gives a minimum figure of 600，000 for the population of Constantinople in Justinian’s day;cf.also Bréhier，Civilisation，81 ff.on its size and ethnical composition.My agrecomnt with Stein on this point is not in any sense an attempt to minimize the historical significance of Constantinople，as Stein does，following Seeck（cf.Geschichte Ⅰ，2 ff.，and especially Gnomon 4（1928），410 ff.）.On the other hand，Stein’s estimate of the population of Constantinople should be reduced even more according to D.Jacoby，‘La population de Constantinople à l’époque byzantine：un problcom de démographie urbaine’，B 31（1961），81 ff.He puts it at less than 400，000 in the sixth century.But Jacoby’s valuable discussion itself shows quite clearly that any estimate can only be very approximate.
[63]On the comrgence of the conception‘New Rcom’which soon supplanted that of a‘Second Rcom’see F.Dolger，‘Rom in der Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner’，Zeitschrift f.Kirchengesch.56（1937），especially pp.13 ff.（reprinted in Dolger，Byzanz，70 ff.）.Constantine’s regard for the tradition of Old R com and the slow stages by which the old capital was pushed into the background are rightly stressed.Cf.especially A.Alfoldi，The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rcom，Oxford 1948，and‘On the Foundation of Constantinople’，JRS 37（1947），10 ff.；J.M.C.Toynbee，‘Roma and Constantinopolis in Late-Antique Art’，ibid.135 ff.
[64]Cf.R.Janin，Constantinople byzantine，Paris 1950，30 ff.
[65]There is an exceedingly rich literature on this subject and only a selection of the more important works can be cited：J.Burckhardt，Die Zeit Constantins des Grossen5，Gestamtausgabe Ⅱ，Stuttgart 1929;E.Schwartz，Kaiser Constantin und die christliche Kirche2，Leipzig-Berlin 1936;N.H.Baynes，Constantine the Great and the Christian Church，London 1929，and‘Constantine’，CAH XII（1939），678-99;A.Piganiol，L’empereur Constantin，Paris 1932，and Empire Chrétien，25 ff.；H.Grégoire，‘La“conversion”de Constantin’，Revue de l’Univ.de Bruxelles 34（1930-1），231 ff.；‘Nouvelles recherches constantiniennes’，B 13（1938），551 ff.；‘La vision de Constantin“liquidée”’，B 14（1939），341 ff.；J.Zeiller，‘Quelques remarques sur la“vision”d
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[40]It is pointless to dispute this as is done by J.Karayannopulos，Das Finanzwesen des frühbyzantinischen staates Munich 1958.Cf.my review in Vierteljahrssche.f.Sozial-u.Wirtschaftsgesch.47，2（1960），258 ff.
[41]On what follows see especially Seeck，Untergang Ⅱ，59 ff.；Bury，Later Rom.Empire J2，18 ff.；Lot，Fin du Monde Antique，99 ff.；Rostovtzeff，Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Ⅱ，210 ff.；Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，98 ff.；168 ff.；W.Ensslin，‘The Reforms of Diocletian’，CAH XII（1939），383 ff.；Kornemann，Weltgeschichte Ⅱ，247 ff.；Piganiol，Empire Chrétien，275 ff.；Vogt，Constantin der Grosse（1949）；2nd ed.1960，95 ff.
[42]Cf.Kornemann，Doppelprinzipat.
[43]An independent dioecesis Aegypti was split off from the dioecesis Orientis，and the dioecesis Moesiarum was separated into the two d.Dacia and Macedonia which then made up the Praefectura praetorio per Illyricum（cf.below，p.54）.Cf.Bury，Later Rom.Empire Ⅰ2，28 ff.；E.Kornemann，‘Dioecesis’in PW 5（1905），727 ff.，and Weltgeschichte 254 ff.（with good maps XIX and XXI appended）。
[44]Cf.Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，53 ff.and Untersuchungenüber das Officium der Pratorianerprafektur seit Diokletian，Vienna 1922;J.R.Palanque，Essai sur la préfecture du prétoire au Bas-Empire，Paris 1933.
[45]Cf.A.E.R.Boak，The Master of the Offices in the Later Roman and Byzantine Empires，New York 1914.
[46]A.S.Dunlap，The Office of the Grand Chamberlain in the Later Roman and Byzantine Empires，New York 1924.R.Guilland，‘Les eunuques dans l’Empirebyzantin’，EB 1（1943），196 ff.，and‘Fonctions et dignités des eunuques’，EB 2（1944），185 ff.，3（1945），179 ff.
[47]On the Byzantine senate see the thorough study by E.Christophilopulu，，Athens 1949.
[48]For a detailed discussion of the honorary titles of the early Byzantine period，especially the title spectabilis，cf.R.Guillard，‘Etudes sur l’histoire administrative de l’Empire byzantin.Les titres nobiliaires de la hauteépoque（IVe-VIe siècles）’，ZRVI 8，1（1963），117 ff.
[49]Cf.E.Christophilopulu，‘’，BZ 44（1951）（Dolger-Festschrift），79 ff.
[50]Cf.J.Ebersolt，Le Grand Palais de Constantinople et le Livre des cérémonies，Paris 1910，p.40，n.2.A.Vogt，Constantin Porphyrogénète.Le Livre des cérémonies，Cocomntaire I（1935），126，is not clear in his notes because he does not seem to have noticed that the expression（notas he gives in Text I，p.90，13）in chapter 16 also occurs in many other places in the Book of Ceremonies.He appears to have overlooked Ebersolt’s notes．
[51]The question of Diocletian’s system of taxation is much disputed.The most important works are：O.Seeck，‘Die Schatsordnung Diocletians’，Zeitschr.f.Sozial-u.Wirtschaftsgesch.4（1896），275 ff.；F.Leo，Die capitatio plebeia und die capitatio humana im romisch-byzantinischen Straatsrecht Berlin 1900;F.Thibault，‘Les impots directs sous le Bas-Empire Romain’，Revue gédérale du droit 23（1899），289 ff.，481 ff.；24（1900），32 ff.，112 ff.；A.Piganiol，L’impot de capitation sous le Bas-Empire Romain，Chambéry 1916;F.Lot，L’impot foncier et la capitation personelle sous le Bas-Empire et à l’époque franque，Paris 1928;H.Bott，Die Grundzüge der diokletianischen Steuerverfassung，Diss.Frankfurt 1928;Stein，Geschichte I，109 ff.；Rostovtzeff，Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Ⅱ，221 ff.；W.Ensslin，‘The Reforms of Diocletian’，CAH XII（1939），399 ff.；A Dé1éage，La Capitation du Bas-Empire.Macon 1945;A.H.M.Jones，‘Capitatio et iugatio’，JRS 47（1957），88 ff.；J.Karayannopulos，Das Finanzwesen des frübbyzantinischen Staates，Munich 1958，28 ff.See also the following note.
[52]That follows from the decree of 297.Cf.A.E.R.Boak，‘Early Byzantine Papyri from the Cairo Museum’，?tudes de papyrologie Ⅱ，1（1933），4 ff.；A.Piganiol，‘La capitation de Dioclétien’，Revue Hist.176（1935），1 ff.The new information which is given in the text published by Boak，and in part reprinted by Piganiol and translated into French，really concerns the technical side of assessing taxes and does not in any way in validate the conclusion，based on the rest of the source material，that the capitatio-iugatio stood for a uniform system of taxation.Cf.also the similar opinion of Stein，Bas-Empire 199，note 2.
[53]M.Rostovtzeff，‘Studien zur Geschichte des romischen Kolonates’，Archiv.f.Papyrusforsch.，Beiheft 1（1910），57 f.，195，329 f.；Monnier，‘Epibolé’。
[54]Rostovtzeff，Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Ⅱ，177 ff.；Lot，Fin du Monde Antique 62 ff.
[55]A particularly important work full of information on this problem is H.Geiss，Geld-und naturalwirtschaftliche Erscheinungsfocomn im staatlichen Aufbau Italiens wahrend der Gotenzeit，Diss.Breslau 1931.Cf.also Mickwitz，Geld und Wirtschaft，147 ff.
[56]Cf.Mickwitz，Geld und Wirtschaft;Bratianu，Etudes byz.，59 ff.；A.Segrè，‘Inflation and its Implication in Early Byzantine Tcoms’，B 15（1940-1），249 ff.
[57]Cf.T.Mommsen，‘Das romische Militarwesen seit Diocletian’，Ges.Schr.Ⅵ（1889），206 ff.；Grosse，Rom.Militargeschichte;J.Maspéro，Organisation militaire de l’Egypte byzantine，Paris 1912;W.Ensslin，‘Zum Heecomisteramt des spatromischen Reiches’，Klio 23（1929），306-25;24（1930），102-47，467-502;Bury，Later Rom.EmpireⅠ2，34 ff.；Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，106 ff.，186 ff.
[58]On the distribution of population in the late Roman period：Lot，Fin du Monde Antique，72 ff.；Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，3 ff.
[59]Cf.A.Christensen，L’Iran sous les Sassanides，Copenhagen-Paris 1936;‘Sassanid Persia’，CAH XII（1939），109 ff.；E.Koremann，‘Die romische Kaiserzeit’，introd.in Altertumswiss，Ⅲ3，2（1933），139 ff.（Neurom und Neupersien）；Weltgeschichte Ⅱ，276 ff.
[60]J.Maurice，Numismatique Constantinienne Ⅱ（1911），481 ff.；E.Gerland，‘Byzantion und die Gründung der Stadt Konstantinopel’，BNJ 10（1933），93 ff.；R.Janin，Constantinople byzantine，Paris 1950，29.
[61]Gregorovius remarked in his Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter Ⅰ（1889），25：‘This was the most important city in the world to be established since the foundation of Rcom’；and E.Schwartz，Kaiser Constantin und die christliche Kirche2（1936），85，wrote：‘Since Alexander’s creation of a cosmopolitan centre in Egypt，no other city has so changed the course of events as the great stronghold which arose on the ruins of a Greek town and today still bears witness to the commanding spirit of its founder’.A.Philippson，Das byzantinische Reich als geographische Erscheinung（1939），26，compares the foundation of Constantinople with that of Alexandria and St.Petersburg.Cf.also Philippson，op.cit.，29 ff.and 214.
[62]Cf.Stein，Geschichte Ⅰ，195，note 6;A.Andréadès，‘La population de Constantinople’，Metron 1（1920），5 ff.（cf.also idem，‘La population de l’Empire byzantin’，Bull.de l’Inst.archéol.bulgare 9，1935，117 ff.）.Andréadès’exaggerated estimate should be modified in the light of Stein’s convincing remarks，and in Baynes-Moss，Byzantium（1949），53（Economic Life of the Byzantine Empire），Andréadès himself finally recognizes the view that Constantinople in its palmy days had‘not fewer than 500，000 inhabitants，and perhaps scomtcoms more’.Stein，Bas-Empire，759 and 842，gives a minimum figure of 600，000 for the population of Constantinople in Justinian’s day;cf.also Bréhier，Civilisation，81 ff.on its size and ethnical composition.My agrecomnt with Stein on this point is not in any sense an attempt to minimize the historical significance of Constantinople，as Stein does，following Seeck（cf.Geschichte Ⅰ，2 ff.，and especially Gnomon 4（1928），410 ff.）.On the other hand，Stein’s estimate of the population of Constantinople should be reduced even more according to D.Jacoby，‘La population de Constantinople à l’époque byzantine：un problcom de démographie urbaine’，B 31（1961），81 ff.He puts it at less than 400，000 in the sixth century.But Jacoby’s valuable discussion itself shows quite clearly that any estimate can only be very approximate.
[63]On the comrgence of the conception‘New Rcom’which soon supplanted that of a‘Second Rcom’see F.Dolger，‘Rom in der Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner’，Zeitschrift f.Kirchengesch.56（1937），especially pp.13 ff.（reprinted in Dolger，Byzanz，70 ff.）.Constantine’s regard for the tradition of Old R com and the slow stages by which the old capital was pushed into the background are rightly stressed.Cf.especially A.Alfoldi，The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rcom，Oxford 1948，and‘On the Foundation of Constantinople’，JRS 37（1947），10 ff.；J.M.C.Toynbee，‘Roma and Constantinopolis in Late-Antique Art’，ibid.135 ff.
[64]Cf.R.Janin，Constantinople byzantine，Paris 1950，30 ff.
[65]There is an exceedingly rich literature on this subject and only a selection of the more important works can be cited：J.Burckhardt，Die Zeit Constantins des Grossen5，Gestamtausgabe Ⅱ，Stuttgart 1929;E.Schwartz，Kaiser Constantin und die christliche Kirche2，Leipzig-Berlin 1936;N.H.Baynes，Constantine the Great and the Christian Church，London 1929，and‘Constantine’，CAH XII（1939），678-99;A.Piganiol，L’empereur Constantin，Paris 1932，and Empire Chrétien，25 ff.；H.Grégoire，‘La“conversion”de Constantin’，Revue de l’Univ.de Bruxelles 34（1930-1），231 ff.；‘Nouvelles recherches constantiniennes’，B 13（1938），551 ff.；‘La vision de Constantin“liquidée”’，B 14（1939），341 ff.；J.Zeiller，‘Quelques remarques sur la“vision”d
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