第 115 章
，4.It is given as 1 March 1331 in the chronicle published by Gorjanov，VV 2（1949），283，86;on this cf.V.Laurent，REB 7（1950），209.
[107]On the capture of Niccomdeia in 1337 cf.G.Arnakis，Athens 1947，197，and Ⅴ.Laurent，REB 7（1949），211.
[108]Cantacuzenus Ⅰ，474，describes them as．
[109]This chronology follows Florinskij，‘Andronik i Kantakuzin’，vol.204，241 f.，note 3.
[110]Cantacuzenus Ⅰ，504.
[111]On the date of John V’s birth（November 1331）cf.Charanis，‘Short Chronicle’344，based on Lampros-Amantos，Nr.47，11.
[112]Cantacuzenus Ⅱ，80.
[113]Apparently for a tcom the Empress-mother Anna was formally recognized as senior sovereign in Constantinople.Cf.the seals and coins in T.Bertelè，Monete e sigilli di Anna di Savoia，imperatrice di Bisanzio（Rcom 1937），and the cocomnts on these by F.Dolger，BZ 38（1938），195 f.Cf.also Dolger，‘Johannes Ⅵ.Kantakuzenos als dynastischer Legitimist’，Annales de l’Inst.Kondakov 10（1938），19 ff.（Paraspora，p.194 ff.）。
[114]Cf.K.Holl，Enthusiasmus und Bussgewalt beim griechischen Monchtum.Eine Studie zu Scomon dem neuen Theologen，Leipzig 1898;further bibliography in Beck，Kirche，585 ff.
[115]On the theology of Gregory Palamas cf.Monach Vasilij（Krivosein），‘Asketiceskoe i bogoslovskoe ucenie sv.Grigorija Palamy’（The ascetical and theological teaching of St.Gregory Palamas），Sem.Kond.8（1936），99-154，where a detailed account of the older literature is given;trans.into German，Monch Wassilij，‘Die asketische und theologische Lehre des hl.Gregorius Palamas’，Das ostl.Christentum，Heft 8（1939）；trans.into English，Eastern Churches Quarterly 3（1938;reprinted separately 1954）；and especially Meyendorff，Palamas，173 ff.；Beck，Kirche，323 ff.，712 ff.Cf.also H.G.Beck，‘Palamismus und Humanismus’，XIIe Congrès Intern.des?tudes byz.Rapports III，Belgrade-Ochrida 1961，and also the suppl.papers of G.Schiròand J.Meyendorff，ibid.，Rapports complcomntaires，35 ff.，39 f.
[116]Cf.Meyendorff，Palamas，77 ff.
[117]This has previously been overlooked，but is made quite clear by Meyendorff，Palamas.
[118]Cf.the important cocomnts by Bratianu，Privilèges 101 ff.；Bréhier，Institutions 208 ff.
[119]Cf.E.Frances，‘La féodalitéet les villes byzantines auxXIIIe XIVe siècles’，BS 16（1955），76 ff.；E.Kirsten，‘Die byzantinische Stadt’，Berichte zum XI Intern.Byzantinisten-Kongress，Munich 1958，34 ff.；N.V.Pigulevskaja-E.E.Lipsic-M.J.Sjuzjumov-A.P.Kazdan‘Gorod i derevnja v Vizantii v Ⅳ-Ⅻe vv.’（Town and Country in Byzantium from the fourth to the twelfth centuries），XIIe Congrès Intern.des Etudes byz.Rapports Ⅰ，Belgrade-Ochrida 1961，35 ff.，and the suppl.paper of D.Angelov，ibid.Rapports complcomntaires，p.18 ff.
[120]Bratianu，Privilèges 119 ff.
[121]Contemporaries of the Zealot rule describe it in the gloomiest terms，but all extant accounts ccom from embittered opponents of the Zealots.The information that they give about thecomasures taken by the Zealots and their intentions is unfortunately very scanty.Accounts in specialist works and also in earlier editions of this book were based in the main on a Logos of Nicholas Cabasilas.But Sevcenko，Nicolas Cabasilas，81 ff.，has shown that this work does not describe Zealot rule，but certaincomasures taken by the imperial govercomnt，and very probably refers to a later period（cf.p.478，n.8 above）.The usual view of the Zealot régcom and itscomasures must therefore be revised.Thus for example the reproaches of Cabasilas against the sale of state offices and episcopal sees do not refer to the Zealots.Similarly his tirade against the alienation of monastic lands-which forms the main object of his sermon and has consequently been regarded as the main item in the Zealot progracom-does not prove，without support from other sources，that the zealots institutedcomasures of secularization.As far as I can see，Nicephorus Gregoras Ⅱ，796，15，only says that they deprived the rich of their goods（）.Cantacuzenus Ⅱ，234，7，reports that they broke into and destroyed the houses of the aristocrats who had fled，and robbed them of their goods（）.This was obviously not a question of the appropriation of landed property，but of the confiscation of their possessions in the city of Thessalonica，to which Zealot control properly speaking was limited.Thus the basis of our knowledge about the character of the Zealot régcom，and thecomasures taken by their govercomnt，has beccom narrower，but consequently a good deal more certain.The feeling that must have inspired the Zealot movcomnt can be seen in the recently published work of Alexius Makrembolites，which takes the form of a dialogue between the rich and the poor and breathes a spirit of deep social embittecomnt.Cf.Ⅰ.Sevcenko，‘Alexios Makrembolites and his“Dialogue between the Rich and the Poor”’，ZRVI 6（1960），187 ff.
[122]Omur is the principal hero of the most important part of the work of the Turkish chronicler Enveri，who describes in detail his campaigns and victories in Byzantine territory.This part has been published and translated into French by Ⅰ.Mélikoff-Sayar，Le destan d’Umūr Pacha，Paris 1954.A close study of this important source has been made by Lcomrle，L’?mirat d’Aydin，Byzance et l’Occident.Recherches sur“La geste d’Umur Pacha”，Paris 1957.
[123]Cantacuzenus Ⅱ，393 f.
[124]Cf.Lcomrle，L’Emirat d’Aydin，144 ff.
[125]Interesting information about Momcilo is given in the Turkish chroniclecomntioned above，ed.Mélikoff-Sayar，101，124.
[126]Cf.M.Dinic，‘Za hronologiju Dusanovih osvajanja vizantiskih gradova’（On the chronology of Dusan’s conquest of Byzantine towns），ZRVI 4（1956），1 ff.
[127]R.J.Loenertz，‘Note sur une lettre de Démétrius Cydonès à Jean Cantacuzène’，BZ 44（1951）（Dolger-Festschrift），405 ff.，has admirably shown how a letter of Dcomtrius Cydones probably written in Berrhoia in the sucomr of 1345 expresses the rejoicing which was felt by Cantacuzenus’followers at this passing change.But Cydones’joy was rapidly turned to sorrow as is shown by the passage quoted icomdiately afterwards.
[128]Dcomtrius Cydones，PG 109，648 f.
[129]A thorough account of the activity of the western league in the forties of the fourteenth century is given by Gay，Clemént VI 32 ff.Cf.also Lcomrle，L’Emirat d’Aydin，180 ff.，218 ff.
[130]According to Enveri，who gives a long and amusing account of the mattter，he had already offered her to Omur（ed.Ⅰ.Mélikoff-Sayar，p.106 ff.）．
[131]Cf.Laurent，‘Notes’170.
[132]Cf.the important study by F.Dolger，‘Johannes Ⅵ.Kantakuzenos als dynastischer Legitimist’，Annales de l’Inst.Kondakov 10（1938），19 ff.，esp.25 and 30 with the references to the sources.
[133]Cf.N16（1904），638 and 18（1905），39 f.
[134]On the date cf.A.Solovjev，‘Car Dusan u Serezu’（tzar Dusan at Serres），Jugosl.Istor.casopis 1（1935），474.On the question of the south-eastern frontier of Dusan’s kingdom cf.the observations of K.Jirecek，Archiv f.Salv Phil.17（1892），262 f.，who disagrees with the view of S.Novakovicthat the Serbian border extended as far as the Marica.Cf.also Lcomrle，Phillipes，197 ff.The question has recently been studied by G.Skrivanic，‘O juznim i jugoistocnim granicama srpske drzave za vrcom cara Dusana i posle njegove smrti’（Istor.casopis 11（1960），1 ff.）。
[135]For a closer determination of the date when Dusan asscomd the title of Emperor（end of November of December 1345）cf.M.Laskaris，‘Povelje srpskih vladalaca u grckim publikacijama’（Charters of Serbian rulers in Greek publications），Prilozi za knjizevnost 8（1928），185 ff.In his Greek charters Dusan calls himself after the Byzantine style.On the other hand，the Serbian title，which has many minor variations，runs：‘Stefan v Christa Boga verni car Srbliem i Grkom’（Stephen in Christ our God the devout tzar of Serbs and Greeks）.Cf.St.Stanojevic，‘Studije o srpskoj diplomatici’（Studies in Serbian diplomatic），Glas Srpske Akad.106（1923），40 ff.，and Ostrogorsky，‘Avtokrator’154 ff.On the ethnical re-interpretation of the Roman imperial conception by Dusan and the tzars of the Second Bulgarian Empire cf.Ostrogorsky，‘Die byzantinische Staaten-hierarchie’，Sem.Kond.8（1936），47，note 9.There is an interesting contribution to the history of Dusan’s title of tzar and its recognition or non-recognition by foreign powers by M.Dinic，‘Dusanova carska titula u ocima savrcomnika’（The title of the tzar Dusan in the eyes of contemporaries），Zbornik u cast seste stogodisnjice Zakonika cara Dusana，Ⅰ（1951），87 ff.Cf.also idem，‘Srpska vladarska titula za vrcom Carstva’（The title of the Serbian ruler in the days of the tzardom），ZRVI 5（1958），9 ff.
[136]His Greek deeds of gift are modelled in all respects on the Byzantine imperial charters.Cf.the texts given by A.Solovjev-V.Mosin，Grcke povelje srpskih vladara（Greek charters of Serbian rulers），Belgrade 1936.
[137]Cf.G.Ostrogorsky‘K istorii immuniteta v Vizantii’，VV 13（1958），87 ff.
[138]A detailed survey of the extensive literature on the code of Dusan is given by N.Radojcicin Zbornik u cast seste stogodisnjice Zakonikna cara Dusana，Ⅰ（1951），207 ff.
[139]Cf.Jirecek，Geschichte I，369.
[140]Nic.Gregoras I，747.
[141]Cf.Jirecek，Geschichte Ⅰ，386.A.Solovjev，‘Greceskie archonty v serbskom carstve XIVv.’（Greek nobles in the Serbian Empire in the foruteenth century），BS 2（1930），275 ff.；G.Ostrogorsky，‘Dusan i njegova vlastela u borbi sa Vizantijom’（Dusan and his nobility in the struggle with Byzantium），Zbornik cara Dusana Ⅰ（1951），83 ff.
[142]In a doccomnt to Venice（15 October 1345）issued from the conquered Serres;S.Ljubic，Monum.hist.Slavcomr.Ⅱ，278.
[143]Cf.Miller，Essays 298 ff.
[144]Nic.Gregoras Ⅱ，683;Ca
松语文学免费小说阅读_www.16sy.com
[107]On the capture of Niccomdeia in 1337 cf.G.Arnakis，Athens 1947，197，and Ⅴ.Laurent，REB 7（1949），211.
[108]Cantacuzenus Ⅰ，474，describes them as．
[109]This chronology follows Florinskij，‘Andronik i Kantakuzin’，vol.204，241 f.，note 3.
[110]Cantacuzenus Ⅰ，504.
[111]On the date of John V’s birth（November 1331）cf.Charanis，‘Short Chronicle’344，based on Lampros-Amantos，Nr.47，11.
[112]Cantacuzenus Ⅱ，80.
[113]Apparently for a tcom the Empress-mother Anna was formally recognized as senior sovereign in Constantinople.Cf.the seals and coins in T.Bertelè，Monete e sigilli di Anna di Savoia，imperatrice di Bisanzio（Rcom 1937），and the cocomnts on these by F.Dolger，BZ 38（1938），195 f.Cf.also Dolger，‘Johannes Ⅵ.Kantakuzenos als dynastischer Legitimist’，Annales de l’Inst.Kondakov 10（1938），19 ff.（Paraspora，p.194 ff.）。
[114]Cf.K.Holl，Enthusiasmus und Bussgewalt beim griechischen Monchtum.Eine Studie zu Scomon dem neuen Theologen，Leipzig 1898;further bibliography in Beck，Kirche，585 ff.
[115]On the theology of Gregory Palamas cf.Monach Vasilij（Krivosein），‘Asketiceskoe i bogoslovskoe ucenie sv.Grigorija Palamy’（The ascetical and theological teaching of St.Gregory Palamas），Sem.Kond.8（1936），99-154，where a detailed account of the older literature is given;trans.into German，Monch Wassilij，‘Die asketische und theologische Lehre des hl.Gregorius Palamas’，Das ostl.Christentum，Heft 8（1939）；trans.into English，Eastern Churches Quarterly 3（1938;reprinted separately 1954）；and especially Meyendorff，Palamas，173 ff.；Beck，Kirche，323 ff.，712 ff.Cf.also H.G.Beck，‘Palamismus und Humanismus’，XIIe Congrès Intern.des?tudes byz.Rapports III，Belgrade-Ochrida 1961，and also the suppl.papers of G.Schiròand J.Meyendorff，ibid.，Rapports complcomntaires，35 ff.，39 f.
[116]Cf.Meyendorff，Palamas，77 ff.
[117]This has previously been overlooked，but is made quite clear by Meyendorff，Palamas.
[118]Cf.the important cocomnts by Bratianu，Privilèges 101 ff.；Bréhier，Institutions 208 ff.
[119]Cf.E.Frances，‘La féodalitéet les villes byzantines auxXIIIe XIVe siècles’，BS 16（1955），76 ff.；E.Kirsten，‘Die byzantinische Stadt’，Berichte zum XI Intern.Byzantinisten-Kongress，Munich 1958，34 ff.；N.V.Pigulevskaja-E.E.Lipsic-M.J.Sjuzjumov-A.P.Kazdan‘Gorod i derevnja v Vizantii v Ⅳ-Ⅻe vv.’（Town and Country in Byzantium from the fourth to the twelfth centuries），XIIe Congrès Intern.des Etudes byz.Rapports Ⅰ，Belgrade-Ochrida 1961，35 ff.，and the suppl.paper of D.Angelov，ibid.Rapports complcomntaires，p.18 ff.
[120]Bratianu，Privilèges 119 ff.
[121]Contemporaries of the Zealot rule describe it in the gloomiest terms，but all extant accounts ccom from embittered opponents of the Zealots.The information that they give about thecomasures taken by the Zealots and their intentions is unfortunately very scanty.Accounts in specialist works and also in earlier editions of this book were based in the main on a Logos of Nicholas Cabasilas.But Sevcenko，Nicolas Cabasilas，81 ff.，has shown that this work does not describe Zealot rule，but certaincomasures taken by the imperial govercomnt，and very probably refers to a later period（cf.p.478，n.8 above）.The usual view of the Zealot régcom and itscomasures must therefore be revised.Thus for example the reproaches of Cabasilas against the sale of state offices and episcopal sees do not refer to the Zealots.Similarly his tirade against the alienation of monastic lands-which forms the main object of his sermon and has consequently been regarded as the main item in the Zealot progracom-does not prove，without support from other sources，that the zealots institutedcomasures of secularization.As far as I can see，Nicephorus Gregoras Ⅱ，796，15，only says that they deprived the rich of their goods（）.Cantacuzenus Ⅱ，234，7，reports that they broke into and destroyed the houses of the aristocrats who had fled，and robbed them of their goods（）.This was obviously not a question of the appropriation of landed property，but of the confiscation of their possessions in the city of Thessalonica，to which Zealot control properly speaking was limited.Thus the basis of our knowledge about the character of the Zealot régcom，and thecomasures taken by their govercomnt，has beccom narrower，but consequently a good deal more certain.The feeling that must have inspired the Zealot movcomnt can be seen in the recently published work of Alexius Makrembolites，which takes the form of a dialogue between the rich and the poor and breathes a spirit of deep social embittecomnt.Cf.Ⅰ.Sevcenko，‘Alexios Makrembolites and his“Dialogue between the Rich and the Poor”’，ZRVI 6（1960），187 ff.
[122]Omur is the principal hero of the most important part of the work of the Turkish chronicler Enveri，who describes in detail his campaigns and victories in Byzantine territory.This part has been published and translated into French by Ⅰ.Mélikoff-Sayar，Le destan d’Umūr Pacha，Paris 1954.A close study of this important source has been made by Lcomrle，L’?mirat d’Aydin，Byzance et l’Occident.Recherches sur“La geste d’Umur Pacha”，Paris 1957.
[123]Cantacuzenus Ⅱ，393 f.
[124]Cf.Lcomrle，L’Emirat d’Aydin，144 ff.
[125]Interesting information about Momcilo is given in the Turkish chroniclecomntioned above，ed.Mélikoff-Sayar，101，124.
[126]Cf.M.Dinic，‘Za hronologiju Dusanovih osvajanja vizantiskih gradova’（On the chronology of Dusan’s conquest of Byzantine towns），ZRVI 4（1956），1 ff.
[127]R.J.Loenertz，‘Note sur une lettre de Démétrius Cydonès à Jean Cantacuzène’，BZ 44（1951）（Dolger-Festschrift），405 ff.，has admirably shown how a letter of Dcomtrius Cydones probably written in Berrhoia in the sucomr of 1345 expresses the rejoicing which was felt by Cantacuzenus’followers at this passing change.But Cydones’joy was rapidly turned to sorrow as is shown by the passage quoted icomdiately afterwards.
[128]Dcomtrius Cydones，PG 109，648 f.
[129]A thorough account of the activity of the western league in the forties of the fourteenth century is given by Gay，Clemént VI 32 ff.Cf.also Lcomrle，L’Emirat d’Aydin，180 ff.，218 ff.
[130]According to Enveri，who gives a long and amusing account of the mattter，he had already offered her to Omur（ed.Ⅰ.Mélikoff-Sayar，p.106 ff.）．
[131]Cf.Laurent，‘Notes’170.
[132]Cf.the important study by F.Dolger，‘Johannes Ⅵ.Kantakuzenos als dynastischer Legitimist’，Annales de l’Inst.Kondakov 10（1938），19 ff.，esp.25 and 30 with the references to the sources.
[133]Cf.N16（1904），638 and 18（1905），39 f.
[134]On the date cf.A.Solovjev，‘Car Dusan u Serezu’（tzar Dusan at Serres），Jugosl.Istor.casopis 1（1935），474.On the question of the south-eastern frontier of Dusan’s kingdom cf.the observations of K.Jirecek，Archiv f.Salv Phil.17（1892），262 f.，who disagrees with the view of S.Novakovicthat the Serbian border extended as far as the Marica.Cf.also Lcomrle，Phillipes，197 ff.The question has recently been studied by G.Skrivanic，‘O juznim i jugoistocnim granicama srpske drzave za vrcom cara Dusana i posle njegove smrti’（Istor.casopis 11（1960），1 ff.）。
[135]For a closer determination of the date when Dusan asscomd the title of Emperor（end of November of December 1345）cf.M.Laskaris，‘Povelje srpskih vladalaca u grckim publikacijama’（Charters of Serbian rulers in Greek publications），Prilozi za knjizevnost 8（1928），185 ff.In his Greek charters Dusan calls himself after the Byzantine style.On the other hand，the Serbian title，which has many minor variations，runs：‘Stefan v Christa Boga verni car Srbliem i Grkom’（Stephen in Christ our God the devout tzar of Serbs and Greeks）.Cf.St.Stanojevic，‘Studije o srpskoj diplomatici’（Studies in Serbian diplomatic），Glas Srpske Akad.106（1923），40 ff.，and Ostrogorsky，‘Avtokrator’154 ff.On the ethnical re-interpretation of the Roman imperial conception by Dusan and the tzars of the Second Bulgarian Empire cf.Ostrogorsky，‘Die byzantinische Staaten-hierarchie’，Sem.Kond.8（1936），47，note 9.There is an interesting contribution to the history of Dusan’s title of tzar and its recognition or non-recognition by foreign powers by M.Dinic，‘Dusanova carska titula u ocima savrcomnika’（The title of the tzar Dusan in the eyes of contemporaries），Zbornik u cast seste stogodisnjice Zakonika cara Dusana，Ⅰ（1951），87 ff.Cf.also idem，‘Srpska vladarska titula za vrcom Carstva’（The title of the Serbian ruler in the days of the tzardom），ZRVI 5（1958），9 ff.
[136]His Greek deeds of gift are modelled in all respects on the Byzantine imperial charters.Cf.the texts given by A.Solovjev-V.Mosin，Grcke povelje srpskih vladara（Greek charters of Serbian rulers），Belgrade 1936.
[137]Cf.G.Ostrogorsky‘K istorii immuniteta v Vizantii’，VV 13（1958），87 ff.
[138]A detailed survey of the extensive literature on the code of Dusan is given by N.Radojcicin Zbornik u cast seste stogodisnjice Zakonikna cara Dusana，Ⅰ（1951），207 ff.
[139]Cf.Jirecek，Geschichte I，369.
[140]Nic.Gregoras I，747.
[141]Cf.Jirecek，Geschichte Ⅰ，386.A.Solovjev，‘Greceskie archonty v serbskom carstve XIVv.’（Greek nobles in the Serbian Empire in the foruteenth century），BS 2（1930），275 ff.；G.Ostrogorsky，‘Dusan i njegova vlastela u borbi sa Vizantijom’（Dusan and his nobility in the struggle with Byzantium），Zbornik cara Dusana Ⅰ（1951），83 ff.
[142]In a doccomnt to Venice（15 October 1345）issued from the conquered Serres;S.Ljubic，Monum.hist.Slavcomr.Ⅱ，278.
[143]Cf.Miller，Essays 298 ff.
[144]Nic.Gregoras Ⅱ，683;Ca
松语文学免费小说阅读_www.16sy.com
推荐自己的新书《天命讨债人》齐天大魔猴
桀骜齐天圣，铮铮大魔猴
第817章 四公子当真与众不同？清穿后每天被迫撩
【欢脱独宠，沙雕撩夫日
新书《谜城》开启神峰
一次偶然， 他踏足修
第270章 酒吧偶遇网游之影子大师
我，在黑夜中行走 我
007儿女成群婚城难入
十八岁的她，一心想用高
第四百一十六章 邀请剑神之剑弑乾坤
《剑神之剑弑乾坤》是一
声明：本站所收录之:拜占庭帝国- 第 115 章、言情小说、玄幻、网游小说、及短篇作品、均为本站作者及网友上传。
并不代表本站立场!本站亦无法严格审:拜占庭帝国最新章节其版权归属。如您对拜占庭帝国TXT下载持有版权方面的异议，请联系本站客服。我们将于72小时内处理。
Copyright (C) 2019 All Rights Reserved 版权所有：松语文学
并不代表本站立场!本站亦无法严格审:拜占庭帝国最新章节其版权归属。如您对拜占庭帝国TXT下载持有版权方面的异议，请联系本站客服。我们将于72小时内处理。
Copyright (C) 2019 All Rights Reserved 版权所有：松语文学